Categorization is a core component of human linguistic competence. We investigate how a transformer-based language model (LM) learns linguistic categories by comparing its behaviour over the course of training to behaviours which characterize abstract feature–based and concrete exemplar–based accounts of human language acquisition. We investigate how lexical semantic and syntactic categories emerge using novel divergence-based metrics that track learning trajectories using next-token distributions. In experiments with GPT-2 small, we find that (i) when a construction is learned, abstract class-level behaviour is evident at earlier steps than lexical item–specific behaviour, and (ii) that different linguistic behaviours emerge abruptly in sequence at different points in training, revealing that abstraction plays a key role in how LMs learn. This result informs the models of human language acquisition that LMs may serve as an existence proof for.

Large Language Models (LLMs) exhibit a robust mastery of syntax when processing and generating text. While this suggests internalized understanding of hierarchical syntax and dependency relations, the precise mechanism by which they represent syntactic structure is an open area within interpretability research. Probing provides one way to identify syntactic mechanisms linearly encoded in activations; however, no comprehensive study has yet established whether a model’s probing accuracy reliably predicts its downstream syntactic performance. Adopting a “mechanisms vs. outcomes” framework, we evaluate 32 open-weight transformer models and find that syntactic features extracted via probing fail to predict outcomes of targeted syntax evaluations across English linguistic phenomena. Our results highlight a substantial disconnect between latent syntactic representations found via probing and observable syntactic behaviors in downstream tasks.

Syntax is a latent hierarchical structure which underpins the robust and compositional nature of human language. In this work, we explore the hypothesis that syntactic dependencies can be represented in language model attention distributions and propose a new method to induce these structures theory-agnostically. Instead of modeling syntactic relations as defined by annotation schemata, we model a more general property implicit in the definition of dependency relations, syntactic substitutability. This property captures the fact that words at either end of a dependency can be substituted with words from the same category. Substitutions can be used to generate a set of syntactically invariant sentences whose representations are then used for parsing. We show that increasing the number of substitutions used improves parsing accuracy on natural data. On long-distance subject-verb agreement constructions, our method achieves 79.5% recall compared to 8.9% using a previous method. Our method also provides improvements when transferred to a different parsing setup, demonstrating that it generalizes.