How accessible a discourse referent is for later mention depends on how it is introduced: indefinite marking can make an entity more accessible for anaphora. This dimension is computationally understudied. We ask whether language models are sensitive to this discourse function as encoded by Persian ye(k). Linguistic theory for Persian predicts that ye(k)-marked objects support anaphoric uptake more readily than bare objects. Comparing a bare object against a minimally different ye(k)-marked object, we find that both encoder- and decoder-based models assign higher scores to object-anaphoric uptake material after ye(k) contexts. The effect is reliable at the object-anaphoric NP and, in six of seven decoders, exceeds both subject-span and neutral-continuation controls, but is weaker and more model-dependent over the whole continuation. We find a parallel directional effect for an English indefinite-this contrast, showing that a comparable downstream anaphoric-uptake pattern is observable with a different language-specific cue. As a secondary finding, we show that the scoring unit (only the anaphoric uptake site vs. the whole continuation) matters, and that the local site provides a clearer signal. We will release the Persian and English stimulus sets, item-level scores, and reproduction scripts upon publication.