This study adopts an inter-disciplinary approach to explore how the prefixation is encoded and contributes to the word formation in Zhangzhou Southern Min, an under-described Sinitic dialect spoken in the South Fujian of mainland China. It addresses five specific aspects, comprising semantic function, morpho-syntactic characteristics, prosodic effect, pragmatic significance, along with their occurrence constraints. The exploration directly fills in the research gap in the study of Zhangzhou, and substantially advance our knowledge of the encoding of prefixation in Southern Chinese dialects. It contributes vital linguistic data to the typology of prefixation as an important phenomenon in world’s natural languages, while enlightening the theoretical discussion on how Sinitic languages should be better defined from the morpho-syntactic perspective.

Zhangzhou Southern Min employs the airstream mechanism of glottalic ingressive as a contrastive feature in its onset system. However, their realisations are highly diverse with eleven phonetic variants that can be derived from three implosive phonemes (/ɓ, ɗ, ɠ/). The allophonic variations are regressively motivated by three driving factors comprising the nasal [Ṽ], labial-velar [u, w], and palatal [i, j] characteristics of subsequent segments. Several processes that include labialisation, nasalisation, lenition, laminalisation, dentalisation and palatalisation have been found to trigger alternation on the airstream mechanism, manner of articulation, and place of articulation of related sounds, resulting in diverse phonetic outputs of the three implosives phonemes that can be captured using phonological rules.

This study conducts a systematic acoustic exploration into the phonetic nature of rightmost tones in a right-dominant tone sandhi system based on empirical data from 21 native speakers of Zhangzhou Southern Min, which presents eight tonal contrasts at the underlying level. The results reveal that, (a) the F0 contour shape realisation of rightmost tones in Zhangzhou appears not to be categorically affected by their preceding tones. (b) Seven out of eight rightmost tones have two statistically significantly different variants in their F0 onset realisation, indicating their regressive sensitivity to the offset phonetics of preceding tones. (c) The forms of rightmost tones are not straightforward related to their counterparts in citation. Instead, two versions of the F0 system can be identified, with the unmarked forms resembling their citation values and the marked forms occurring as a consequence of the phonetic impact of their preceding tones and the F0-declining effect of utterance-final position. (d) The phonetic variation of rightmost tones reflects the across-linguistic tendency of tonal articulation in connected speech but contradicts the default principle for identifying the right dominance of tone sandhi in Sinitic languages.